The Damascus Criminal Court sentenced former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, his brother Maher al-Assad and Atif Najib to death, finding them guilty of deliberate killings and torture classified as crimes against humanity and war crimes. The sentences against Bashar and Maher al-Assad were handed down in absentia, while Najib attended the hearing. The court held them responsible for torturing large numbers of detainees and for the deaths of some of them in custody.
Several other defendants who remain in hiding were also convicted in absentia, including former Defence Minister Fahd al-Freij and former head of Air Force Intelligence Jamil al-Hassan. Najib, who previously headed the Political Security branch in Daraa, was also found guilty of abductions, unlawful detention, inciting civil and sectarian conflict, embezzling state funds and money laundering. The court consolidated the sentences and imposed the harshest penalty—death. The case against Ayman Alloush was discontinued because of his death.
The ruling was based on testimony from witnesses and victims, official documents, medical reports, audio and video materials, as well as international reports. The court said the evidence confirmed Najib’s responsibility for placing snipers and armed men on the security service building, stopping ambulances and withholding the bodies of those killed. Witness statements matched in terms of the circumstances, timing and locations of the events; some witnesses testified under numbers for security reasons. The court described the case as an important precedent for national transitional justice.
Najib rejected all the charges and responded to testimony from victims with the phrase, “I do not accept the testimony,” calling their statements rumours from the internet and the streets. Presiding Judge Fakhr al-Din al-Aryan said the defendant had shown neither remorse nor regret, so no mitigating circumstances were applied. The verdict was declared final and not subject to appeal. The convicted men were also ordered to pay compensation to civil claimants, while preserving the rights of other victims and the families of those who disappeared.
The case once again drew attention to events in Daraa, where protests began in 2011 after approximately 15 children were arrested for writing anti-government slogans, after which unrest spread throughout Syria. The public trial of Najib began on April 26, 2026, following his arrest in Latakia on January 31, 2025. Relatives of the victims gathered outside the courthouse and greeted the announcement of the verdict with celebratory shouts after more than 15 years of waiting for accountability. Syria’s defence and interior ministers called the ruling a victory for the people and a step towards justice, while Amnesty International urged that the prosecution of those responsible be used to establish the truth and provide compensation to tens of thousands of victims. The enforcement of the in-absentia sentences depends on locating the defendants; the arrest warrants remain in force and have been circulated internationally, while their assets have been placed under enforcement seizure.
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What role did Daraa play at the beginning of the 2011 Syrian uprising, and why did the arrest of schoolchildren become a symbol of the subsequent protests? — Daraa is considered the place where the first major protests against Bashar al-Assad’s government began in March 2011. The immediate cause was the arrest and mistreatment of a group of schoolchildren who had written an anti-government slogan on a wall. The episode became a symbol of repression, humiliation and the authorities’ refusal to meet residents’ demands, while the subsequent use of force helped spread the protests across the country.
What does “transitional justice” mean in the Syrian context, and how does the process relate to international investigations into crimes committed during the war? — Transitional justice is a set of measures aimed at establishing the truth, holding those responsible accountable, providing compensation to victims and reforming state institutions after mass human rights violations. In Syria, it may include documenting disappearances, torture, killings and destruction, searching for missing persons and providing guarantees that such crimes will not be repeated. International investigations and independent UN mechanisms collect and preserve evidence, but generally do not replace national courts; they can support future trials or be used in courts in other countries under the principle of universal jurisdiction.
What practical consequences do international arrest warrants and asset seizures have for those convicted in absentia if they are outside Syria? — Such measures can restrict travel, since the country where the accused is located may detain them and consider extradition. Asset seizures can block bank accounts, real estate and other financial resources in jurisdictions applying the relevant sanctions or court decisions. However, the consequences depend on the country: an international warrant does not mean automatic arrest everywhere, and a conviction in absentia may not be recognised by the country where the convicted person is located.
Full version: Damascus Criminal Court: Bashar and Maher al-Assad and Atif Najib sentenced to death