Walid Jumblatt said that his last meeting with former Syrian President Bashar Assad in June 2011 brought an end to their brief period of reconciliation. In an interview with Al Jazeera’s Witness of the Era, he said he asked Assad about Hamza al-Khatib—a child from Daraa province who became one of the first symbols of the suppression of Syria’s protests. Hamza was detained during the demonstrations, and his body, bearing numerous signs of torture, was handed over to his family in May 2011, sparking widespread outrage.
According to Jumblatt, Assad answered the question about the boy by saying, “We did not torture him—we killed him,” adding that the authorities had informed his relatives. Jumblatt said the wording shocked him. The conversation then turned to Atef Najib, head of the Political Security Directorate in Daraa and Assad’s cousin. His name was linked to the detention of children who had written anti-government slogans on their school walls.
Hamza, who was born in the village of Jiza in the Daraa countryside, quickly became known as one of the main symbols of the early months of the Syrian revolution. Photographs of his body and reports of torture intensified protests inside and outside the country, while the authorities denied that the security forces were responsible for the abuses. Jumblatt believes that the question of Hamza opened a broader discussion about the violent suppression of demonstrations in Daraa and the expansion of arrests and violence against protesters.
The meeting took place after Jumblatt’s visit to Damascus in 2010, organized as part of a political reconciliation following years of disagreements linked to the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and the acute political crisis in Lebanon. At the time, Assad, according to Jumblatt, suggested that they “forget the past” and start a new chapter. However, after the Syrian protests began and repression intensified, Jumblatt’s attitude toward the president changed, and the June meeting became their last.
In the interview, Jumblatt also warned of attempts to separate Suwayda and Jabal al-Arab from their Syrian and Arab surroundings. He criticized the use of the name “Jabal Bashan” instead of the traditional “Jabal al-Arab,” saying that this might involve more than a geographical term—it could represent a revision of the region’s identity. Jumblatt opposed the project to establish a Druze state in southern Syria and criticized the position of one of the Druze spiritual leaders, Hikmat al-Hajri. In his view, such an idea benefits Israel because it encourages the fragmentation of Syria into sectarian entities. The Druze, he stressed, need a united Syrian state that guarantees the rights of all citizens, not an isolated and vulnerable enclave.
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What role did the protests in Daraa play at the beginning of the 2011 Syrian uprising, and why did this region become one of the main centers of the protest movement? — The protests in Daraa were one of the immediate starting points of the nationwide uprising. In March 2011, the arrest and brutal treatment of teenagers who had written anti-government slogans sparked demonstrations that were suppressed by force and quickly spread across the country. Daraa was particularly important because of its strong local and tribal ties, discontent over corruption, unemployment and water shortages, and the authorities’ neglect of the region. Its proximity to Jordan also facilitated the movement of people and information.
Why did the assassination of Rafik Hariri lead to a prolonged political crisis between Walid Jumblatt and the Syrian leadership, and how did it affect Damascus’s relations with Lebanon? — The assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005 prompted suspicions of the involvement of Syrian forces and their Lebanese allies, although the question of legal responsibility remained the subject of investigations and political disputes. Jumblatt, who had previously cooperated with Damascus, became one of the harshest critics of Syrian influence and supported the mass protests known as the “Cedar Revolution.” This intensified the internal confrontation in Lebanon, contributed to the withdrawal of Syrian troops, and severely damaged relations between Jumblatt and the Syrian leadership for many years.
What is the historical and political significance of the Jabal al-Arab region for the Druze community, and why is replacing this name with “Jabal Bashan” perceived as an attempt to alter the region’s identity? — Jabal al-Arab, also known as Jabal al-Druze, is the historic center of Druze settlement in southern Syria and a symbol of their religious, social and political autonomy. The region is associated with the Druze uprising against the French Mandate led by Sultan al-Atrash and occupies an important place in the community’s collective memory. Consequently, replacing the familiar name with “Jabal Bashan” is perceived by many as an erasure of historical memory and the imposition of a different interpretation of the region’s origins. At the same time, the meaning of the new name and the context of its official use may depend on the particular source or political side.
Full version: "You’re Almost Losing Your Mind".. Jumblatt Reveals His Conversation with Assad About Hamza al-Khatib